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      • Clark County, NV
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      • Mebane PA Working Paper
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Election Truth Alliance
  • ETA
  • About
    • About Us
    • Executive Board
    • FAQ
  • Analysis
    • Methodology
    • 2024 US Election Analysis
    • Clark County, NV
    • Pennsylvania
    • Mebane PA Working Paper
  • Resources
    • Audit Advocacy Toolkit
    • Statements/Press Releases
    • Videos
    • Flyer and QR Code
    • Stickers and Posters
    • ETA Newsletter
    • Coverage
    • Reports and Presentations
    • Other Resources
  • Donate
  • Volunteer
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Methodology

The Election Truth Alliance (ETA) utilizes multiple analytical approaches in review of election result data. This includes, but is not limited to:

  1. “Down-Ballot Difference” Analysis (also known as ‘Drop-Off Analysis’)
  2. Vote Share by Vote Count Analysis;
  3. Turnout Analysis.


Each of these three types of analysis are described briefly below. 


A list of additional provisos is included at the bottom of this page.

1. Down-Ballot Difference

The ETA uses the term “down-ballot difference” (also known as “drop-off”) to mean the difference between the number of votes cast for a presidential candidate when compared to the number of votes cast for the next down-ballot candidate of the same party.


For example, if Kamala Harris won 100 votes and the next-down ballot candidate for Senate won 95 votes, that would be a down-ballot difference of 5 votes. When calculated as a percentage, that’s a down-ballot difference of 5%. 

More Votes for Presidential Candidates Expected

 Across all parties, it is more common for Presidential candidates to get slightly more votes than other candidates down-ballot. In the U.S., where significant emphasis and media attention is given to the Presidency, it is ‘normal’ for the candidate for President to receive on average between 2-3% more votes than the next down-ballot race. (Source: The Center for Politics)  For this reason, the ETA calculates down-ballot difference in relation to Presidential votes. 


A negative drop-off difference is shown when a down-ballot candidate receives more votes than the Presidential candidate.  

For Example:

 For example, if a down ballot candidate for Senate won 100 votes but the Presidential candidate of the same party only wins 95, that 5-vote difference would be depicted as a down-ballot difference of -5%.  

Some down-ballot difference is expected, and can be a product of expected human voting behavior. There are voters who choose not to vote in every race listed on their ballot; others “split their ticket” and cast votes for candidates that belong to different political parties. 


However, down-ballot differences can also be caused by malicious intervention in how votes are counted or reported. According to Behrens 2023:


“...in the presence of concurrent electoral contests on election day, ballot box stuffing and vote stealing can be detected from [down-ballot difference] irregularities that emerge if protagonists of fraud fail to interfere into multiple races to equal extents.” (emphasis added, ‘down-ballot difference’ term used in place of author’s term for clarity)


In isolation, a difference in drop-off rates between candidates is not necessarily indicative of manipulation. However, in the absence of reasonable cause (such as a candidate being implicated in a political scandal, or specific local factors that help explain this dynamic), the ETA views the following as potential indicators that may prompt further scrutiny:

  • Unexpected large down-ballot difference between candidates of the same party;
  • Divergence from average historical down-ballot difference in that locality;
  • Extreme variation between down-ballot difference across different voting types;
  • Unexpected uniformity of down-ballot difference across sub-localities (such as precincts) rather than more expected human variation.
     

2. Vote Share by Vote Count

The ETA uses the term “Vote Share by Vote Count” to mean examining the percentage of votes that candidates received across different precincts (or voting centers) relative to how many votes were cast at those locations. 


The usual way that we show this information on a chart is through scatterplots. Scatterplots can be helpful in that they allow us to look at all of the data points at once. For example, each point on a scatterplot may reflect data associated with one candidate's results in one precinct. 


The example below shows a series of data points (the little colored circles), each representing election results for one of two candidates competing for the same office in a given county. Each pair of 1 yellow + 1 green colored circles = data from one precinct.

The location of each dot vertically shows what percentage of the vote the candidate won at that precinct. The location of each dot horizontally shows the number of votes received by the candidate at a given location (e.g. a precinct). The darker trend lines indicate the overall trends between the data points.  

An overall trend emerges across precincts of varying sizes. Some degree of variation is normal, but a common pattern is present. People in this county voted for Candidate A about 75% of the time and for Candidate B about 25% of the time. When examining at the county level, the ETA would expect for there to be a relatively consistent relationship between candidate popularity and the number of votes per precinct – visually represented by a horizontal trendline. 


The trends displayed in the chart above would not be of immediate concern were they to appear in real-world election results. 

In Binary Elections, Results Will Likely Mirror Each Other

In this case, the chart above shows a ‘binary’ election – meaning that all (or the vast majority) of votes have been cast for two candidates. This means that when Candidate A gets about 60% of the vote, Candidate B gets about 40% of the vote.


This is why it is normal for election results for each candidate to ‘mirror’ each other in binary elections. 

Why Does It Matter?

Our human brains pick up on the symmetry when reviewing these charts, and can at first appear concerning or suspect.  For these specific charts, in a binary ('two candidate') race, there is nothing concerning in the candidate results mirroring each other.

 What Is ‘Expected’ About These Election Results?

  • Studies have shown that there is a spatial (geographic) relationship in voting patterns, meaning the place you live and the people you live close to influences the way you vote. Local shared experiences tend to inform a common mindset that nudges people’s decisions – including the decision of who to vote for. 
  • We can therefore anticipate some similarities in voting results among people who live in proximity to each other (for example, within the same county).
  • We would also expect to see normal human variation across the different places where people cast their vote. 
  • No one candidate benefited, unexpectedly or disproportionately, in precincts where more or fewer votes were cast.


What Would Be Unexpected?

A major skew in how well one candidate did relative to how many votes were cast at a certain location could be cause for additional scrutiny. 

3. Turnout Analysis

The ETA uses the term “Turnout Analysis” to mean examining the number of votes that candidates received across different precincts or voting centers relative to the percentage of registered voters who turned out to vote at those precincts or voting centers. 


Voter turnout is often considered one of the most important data points in the forensic analysis of election results. At first, that may seem confusing or counter-intuitive, since high voter turnout is usually a welcome factor in any election.

Most of the time, high voter-turnout means more people are participating in the electoral process, and more voices are represented. The more people vote, as we’ve been told, the more accurate view we can have of the will of that community.


However, this principle only holds true if all of those votes are real. If a candidate receives a high percentage of votes cast, but disproportionately receives those votes in places where there was very high voter turnout, it may be an indicator that some of those votes were artificially inflated.

Consider these two scenarios:

  1. An election official in Russia or Georgia stuffs handfuls of falsified paper ballots for one candidate into a ballot box. When the votes are counted, that voting location shows very high voter turnout.
  2. An election official picks up the phone to call and report the election results to a central authority. The election official lies and claims there were 500 extra votes for their preferred candidate at that location. The original ballots are taken away and stored where they cannot be easily accessed, and 500 extra falsified voters are added to the poll books. When the votes are reported to the public, that voting location shows a very high voter turnout.

In both examples, the end result is that high voter turnout is reported as a result of additional falsified votes being added to the tally – and that high turnout only benefits only one candidate or party. 


The exact same principle applies to electronic forms of election fraud. 

  • Instead of an election official stuffing a ballot box or lying about the vote count, imagine a vote-counting tabulator being compromised by bad actors and reporting inaccurate results. 
  • Instead of a paper pollbook having falsified records of voters added by hand, imagine a hacked “ePoll book” that claims more eligible voters cast a ballot than actually turned out.


There are several ways to show turnout analysis visually, including:

  • Line charts, a type of chart that visually represents data by plotting points and connecting them with lines;
  • Histograms, a type of chart that groups together data into bars of varying heights to show the frequency of data points in relation to each other; and,
  • Scatterplots, a type of chart that shows a series of data points.


Which chart is best depends on type and how much data is available. When possible, the ETA tries to use histograms to show turnout analysis.

PLEASE NOTE:

The Horizontal Axis Does NOT Show Votes Received Over Time

Each data point shown reflects all the votes received of whatever vote type is being measured by that candidate at that location. There is nothing temporal (‘time-based’) about what is being measured on the x-axis.


Our English-speaking brains tend to see ‘numbers getting bigger, left to right’ and instinctively assign some kind of time-based meaning to the visual. This is not the case in our Turnout Analysis charts. 

Does That Mean Time Was Not A Factor?

Not necessarily; it just means that what we’re showing in these charts doesn’t reflect anything about votes cast or counted over time.

In the chart above, each bar represents the number of votes cast for a candidate at precincts within a certain turnout range. For example, the highlighted bar in yellow is showing that in precincts where about 40-42% of registered voters turned out to vote, there were around 175 votes for that candidate. 


In the example above, the distribution of election results in relation to voter turnout looks as anticipated. The election results form a bell-shape (or a “bell curve”). 


When data forms a bell curve, most ‘values’ (the things that we’re measuring) fall close to the average (the ‘middle’ of the bell curve). The further away from the average a value is, the less prevalent it is. When representing data visually, whether or not the data you are representing ‘fits’ a bell curve can be an indicator of whether something unusual or unexpected happened.


Evidence of manipulated election data in other countries has been identified through this approach.


One known indicator of unfair elections is an anomalous deviation from normal distribution, wherein one candidate receives a disproportionate number of votes in areas where turnout is high. Referred to as a ‘Russian tail’, such a spike may indicate election result falsification, particularly if only one candidate benefits from the unusually high turnout. However, there may also be honest reasons for deviation from normal distribution -- such as local dynamics, demographics, and/or geography. 

Provisos

  • The applicability of any given analysis type may be limited based on data availability as published by state and local governments.
    • For example: if a given state or local government does not share voter registration data by precinct, turnout analysis – which requires voter registration data by precinct – cannot be undertaken.


  • Whenever possible, the ETA seeks to examine data from different “vote types” (e.g. Mail-In Votes, Early Votes, Election Day Votes) in isolation. 
    • Different types of votes are cast and counted in different circumstances, including using different machinery. 
    • This means that some vote types may be more vulnerable to manipulation than others, depending on the specific conditions within a given locality. 


  • All formal data analysis reports (e.g. Clark County NV, Pennsylvania) entail in-depth jurisdictional research for the jurisdiction being examined.  
    • This is to ensure that different vote types are characterized accurately and other potential factors (e.g. such as demographics or election day disruptions) are considered in analysis of that jurisdiction. 


  •  While other forms of analysis are being explored by the ETA, these require additional vetting, interrogation, and peer review before being shared with the broader public.  


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